◼ Robin Bradshaw sentenced to 12 years in prison for voluntary manslaughter of wife
Matt Drange/The Times-Standard
Posted: 06/30/2010 01:30:26 AM PDT
Family members of Monica Bradshaw remembered the woman who was killed and secretly buried by her husband more than two years ago during the sentencing of Robin Stuart Bradshaw on Tuesday.
”I love you more than my freedom, my home or my life,” read a letter written by Monica Bradshaw to her husband that was shared by niece Melissa Lawson in court. “Till the day I die I'll love you.”
Lawson said that the letters were typical of teenage lovers, and were not the foundation for a strong marriage. Along with the letters, Lawson brought a poster with photos of Monica Bradshaw.
”She was a gentle woman. She was beautiful, and he took her from us,” Lawson said, struggling to fight back tears. “In my opinion, the defendant is a coward. No prison sentence can restore Monica back to us. I often wonder now who she would have become had he not entered her life.”
Robin Bradshaw, 57, was sentenced to 12 years in prison as part of a plea deal with the Humboldt County District Attorney's Office. He was also ordered to pay $15,000 and was ordered to serve three years of parole following his release.
Robin Bradshaw was initially arrested June 12, 2009, and charged with the murder of his wife. But the District Attorney's Office did not feel that it could successfully prosecute Robin Bradshaw without the body of Monica Bradshaw -- his wife of some 30 years.
In exchange for the lesser charge of voluntary manslaughter, Robin Bradshaw revealed the location of Monica Bradshaw's body, which he buried after beating her with a metal bar. A forensic analysis later revealed blunt trauma to be the cause of death.
Judge Joyce Hinrichs made the decision to stick with the conditions of the plea bargain on Tuesday, citing the coroner's reports that did not dispute Robin Bradshaw's testimony of the incident. Hinrichs said she found Robin Bradshaw's actions after he killed his wife -- which included impersonating Monica Bradshaw over the phone in an attempt to submit an insurance claim on her car -- to be “despicable,” but said that she would go forward with the ruling for voluntary manslaughter.
”Justice is not always what one side or the other wants to be done,” Hinrichs said, adding that coming to the decision was not easy. “I make this ruling not because it is justice to the family, but because without it, there would be no justice at all.”
Robin Bradshaw's attorney Peter Martin said that his client took a polygraph test when he gave his deposition about the events of a fight between the couple, and that he complied with his end of the plea deal by revealing the location of Monica Bradshaw's remains.
”He is remorseful for the wrongdoing that he did,” Martin said. “He is here today to receive justice for the crimes he committed.”
Monica Bradshaw, 53 at the time of her death, was last seen by neighbors in mid-August 2008. She was never reported missing.
Caroline Sheffield, Monica Bradshaw's sister, said she remembered feeling dumbstruck when she got the phone call that her sister had been killed.
Sheffield detailed for the court the early life of her sister, who she said ran away from home at the age of 16 to live with Robin Bradshaw's family. The two married when Monica Bradshaw turned 18, and Sheffield said that her sister was too stubborn to get out of the marriage when things got bad.
”She only wanted to be loved,” Sheffield said, adding that the 12-year sentence was not enough. “It's a slap in the face. It's a joke.”
Sheffield said the plea deal reached between Bradshaw and the District Attorney's Office in December of last year was made without ever consulting the family. Sheffield said that she is “extremely disappointed” in District Attorney Paul Gallegos.
”It's a never ending. It's like a nightmare that we can't get rid of,” Sheffield said. “We just want this to be over.”
Matt Drange can be reached at 441-0514 or
mdrange@times-standard.com.
6.30.2010
TS - 11/26/09 Police seek missing woman - Christine Walters
◼ Police seek missing woman
The Times-Standard
Posted: 11/26/2008 01:15:16 AM PST
The Eureka Police Department is investigating the disappearance of Christine Walters, a 23-year-old woman who has not been heard from in over a week.
According to EPD information, Walters has strawberry-blond hair and blue eyes. She stands 5 feet 4 inches tall and weighs around 100 pounds.
After about 10 days of failing to contact family members, Walters' family reported her missing. Walters was last seen Nov. 11 in Eureka.
Authorities are asking for anyone with information regarding Walters to contact Police Services Officer Mary Anderson of the Criminal Investigation unit at 707-441-4300 or call the 24-hour dispatch number at 707-441-4044.
***
◼ The Curious Case of Christine Walters - Missing Nov 2008 - Humbolt County, CA peace4missing.ning.com
Comment by Cherry Simpson on April 22, 2010 at 6:09pm
In a story by the Times-Standard:
What may seem obvious to the uninitiated has to be challenged by a career cop like Paris. Take the case of Christine Walters, a Wisconsin woman who went missing from Eureka on Nov. 11, 2008. The 23-year-old's backpack, wallet and ID were found just after her disappearance. A bank account with a few hundred dollars in it has not been touched. She was known to take long walks in the Arcata Community Forest by herself. She hasn't contacted her family.
It sounds highly suspicious. But of the 15 cases currently on Paris' desk, Walters is the one for whom he has the most hope. Surprisingly, it's not uncommon for people to leave possessions behind -- even money. Walters was supportive of the environmental movement in the area, and Paris has seen a photo of a young woman with strawberry-blond hair being shown how to climb trees at a Southern Humboldt activist camp.
The Times-Standard
Posted: 11/26/2008 01:15:16 AM PST
The Eureka Police Department is investigating the disappearance of Christine Walters, a 23-year-old woman who has not been heard from in over a week.
According to EPD information, Walters has strawberry-blond hair and blue eyes. She stands 5 feet 4 inches tall and weighs around 100 pounds.
After about 10 days of failing to contact family members, Walters' family reported her missing. Walters was last seen Nov. 11 in Eureka.
Authorities are asking for anyone with information regarding Walters to contact Police Services Officer Mary Anderson of the Criminal Investigation unit at 707-441-4300 or call the 24-hour dispatch number at 707-441-4044.
***
◼ The Curious Case of Christine Walters - Missing Nov 2008 - Humbolt County, CA peace4missing.ning.com
Comment by Cherry Simpson on April 22, 2010 at 6:09pm
In a story by the Times-Standard:
What may seem obvious to the uninitiated has to be challenged by a career cop like Paris. Take the case of Christine Walters, a Wisconsin woman who went missing from Eureka on Nov. 11, 2008. The 23-year-old's backpack, wallet and ID were found just after her disappearance. A bank account with a few hundred dollars in it has not been touched. She was known to take long walks in the Arcata Community Forest by herself. She hasn't contacted her family.
It sounds highly suspicious. But of the 15 cases currently on Paris' desk, Walters is the one for whom he has the most hope. Surprisingly, it's not uncommon for people to leave possessions behind -- even money. Walters was supportive of the environmental movement in the area, and Paris has seen a photo of a young woman with strawberry-blond hair being shown how to climb trees at a Southern Humboldt activist camp.
6.24.2010
TS - Gallegos "My Word" Universal justice is not universally popular
◼ Gallegos campaign ad, I mean, "My Word"
◼ Universal justice is not universally popular
Paul V. Gallegos/For the Times-Standard
Posted: 06/24/2010 01:37:11 AM PDT
I want to send a heartfelt thank you to everyone who made our spring campaign a success. It would not have been possible without each and every one of you who volunteered, donated and endorsed. Thank you for all you have given and the many hours of hard work and dedication you selflessly gave over the last several months. It is the sum of your very efforts that made our campaign successful.
I am grateful for the votes and affirmation I received, and to those who did not vote for me, I want you to know that I have heard your voices and I intend to redouble my efforts to earn your votes in November.
Joanie and I moved here about 15 years ago, and fell in love with this remarkable community. Eight years ago I ran for district attorney on a platform of Justice For All -- including those historically neglected by the justice system such as children, victims of domestic violence, people of color, and victims of corporate fraud -- and for modernization. It's hard to believe now, but when I inherited the office, criminal case information was kept on index cards-- not computers.
Since then, my office has aggressively prosecuted the powerful -- even when it's been unpopular. My office prosecuted Maxxam/PL on evidence of fraud. We prosecuted Blue Lake's police chief for multiple felonies including illegal weapons. We prosecuted an oil company and won a major settlement to protect our drinking water.
But universal justice is not universally popular, and some would rather go back to how things used to be. This would be a mistake.
When I came to office, the murder of Blue Lake teen Curtis Huntzinger was still unsolved after 18 years. It was presumed to be unsolvable. But my investigators cracked the case and obtained a full confession from his murderer, Steven Daniel Hash.
During the campaign, one of my opponents made the disturbing accusation that I had let a child abuser off with a slap on the wrist. It was odd because she, under the previous office, had handled the case back in 2000, and should have known the original sentence was overturned on appeal; my office had to re-prosecute it anew in 2004, and the perpetrator was sentenced to eight years in prison.
I'll be the first to admit how much I've learned in the past eight years. Delivering justice to all is not easy. Behind the big publicity stories are thousands of small success stories and dozens of daily tragedies. We can't bring back loved ones -- but we can prosecute to the full extent of the law with the best evidence we have, which is what we do.
We cannot go back to how things were; the improvements and progress we've achieved over the last eight years are simply too precious to give up.
I ask for your support on my campaign as we move toward a November victory. For more information, go to votepaul.org.
Paul V. Gallegos is the Humboldt County district attorney.
Where to begin.
◼ Universal justice is not universally popular
Paul V. Gallegos/For the Times-Standard
Posted: 06/24/2010 01:37:11 AM PDT
I want to send a heartfelt thank you to everyone who made our spring campaign a success. It would not have been possible without each and every one of you who volunteered, donated and endorsed. Thank you for all you have given and the many hours of hard work and dedication you selflessly gave over the last several months. It is the sum of your very efforts that made our campaign successful.
I am grateful for the votes and affirmation I received, and to those who did not vote for me, I want you to know that I have heard your voices and I intend to redouble my efforts to earn your votes in November.
Joanie and I moved here about 15 years ago, and fell in love with this remarkable community. Eight years ago I ran for district attorney on a platform of Justice For All -- including those historically neglected by the justice system such as children, victims of domestic violence, people of color, and victims of corporate fraud -- and for modernization. It's hard to believe now, but when I inherited the office, criminal case information was kept on index cards-- not computers.
Since then, my office has aggressively prosecuted the powerful -- even when it's been unpopular. My office prosecuted Maxxam/PL on evidence of fraud. We prosecuted Blue Lake's police chief for multiple felonies including illegal weapons. We prosecuted an oil company and won a major settlement to protect our drinking water.
But universal justice is not universally popular, and some would rather go back to how things used to be. This would be a mistake.
When I came to office, the murder of Blue Lake teen Curtis Huntzinger was still unsolved after 18 years. It was presumed to be unsolvable. But my investigators cracked the case and obtained a full confession from his murderer, Steven Daniel Hash.
During the campaign, one of my opponents made the disturbing accusation that I had let a child abuser off with a slap on the wrist. It was odd because she, under the previous office, had handled the case back in 2000, and should have known the original sentence was overturned on appeal; my office had to re-prosecute it anew in 2004, and the perpetrator was sentenced to eight years in prison.
I'll be the first to admit how much I've learned in the past eight years. Delivering justice to all is not easy. Behind the big publicity stories are thousands of small success stories and dozens of daily tragedies. We can't bring back loved ones -- but we can prosecute to the full extent of the law with the best evidence we have, which is what we do.
We cannot go back to how things were; the improvements and progress we've achieved over the last eight years are simply too precious to give up.
I ask for your support on my campaign as we move toward a November victory. For more information, go to votepaul.org.
Paul V. Gallegos is the Humboldt County district attorney.
Where to begin.
6.19.2010
ER - Article on private e-mail sparks debate
◼ link
11/11/04
Article on private e-mail sparks debate
by Glenn Franco Simmons
The Eureka Reporter
An executive of Rob Arkley’s said he is disappointed in the Times-Standard for publishing a private e-mail that Arkley sent to local political consultant Richard Salzman.
Fred Griffith, senior vice president of acquisitions/development at Security National Properties, spoke to The Eureka Reporter and Times-Standard Tuesday in Eureka because Arkley was out of town on business.
Arkley’s business, Security National, owns The Eureka Reporter.
“(The article) was intended to inflame,” Griffith said. “I think it diminishes the Times-Standard to print that sort of thing.”
He also objected to the large headline the Times-Standard used on the story, which was above the fold in the most-prominent location in the newspaper.
James Tressler, the reporter who wrote the article, said that he was unable to reach Arkley. Griffith responded by saying that Arkley was out of town on business and was unable to return his phone call.
“We are in the business of making money,” Griffith said, in reference to Arkley’s unavailability. “We work very, very hard. We’re very, very busy and these … e-mails and stuff like that have to be prioritized.”
Griffith asked Tressler if it was ethical to print the e-mail.
“I pulled some quotes about ethical journalists and it says a journalist should show compassion for those who may be affected by news coverage,” Griffith said. “… It seems to me that what you’ve done here is you have gotten the Salzman e-mails and you used private information in private communication between two people with differing views and brought it out to sell newspapers. I just feel that is wrong. … If you are a journalist, this is unethical in my view.”
Griffith was referencing the Society of Professional Journalists’ code of ethics (www.spj.org/ethics_code.asp).
Later in the interview, Tressler said, “Well, you guys stick to making money and we’ll stick to putting out the newspapers. I’ve been trained in journalism, have you?”
“I know ethics when I hear ethics,” Griffith said. “If I send you a bunch of e-mails and you and I are having a disagreement, for either one of us to run and take them to the press and having the press print all of those things, that is unethical in my view because you and I have a private disagreement. We agree to disagree.” Griffith said.
He said he would rather see the community focusing on solving problems.
“Let’s make this place a better place,” he said. “Let’s get out of the ‘he said, she said.’ If you start blaming people, there is no end to the blame. All of this good, healthy energy gets wasted. It’s negative energy. It’s bad.
“… The Times-Standard has an opportunity, as does The Eureka Reporter, to take partisan politics and throw it in the garbage, and we all can sit down … and make this the greatest city ever and the greatest county ever.”
When contacted by The Eureka Reporter and asked about the community working together, Salzman said in an e-mailed response, “We have to be able to come together and find common ground. That is the only way we will maintain a healthy community. That is why the tone and threats of Rob Arkley’s e-mails were both alarming and disappointing. Once an election is over, we need to set aside our differences and work for the common good. But we need to start by having an honest conversation. …
“When all is said and done, the 60/40 mandate that was delivered to Chris Kerrigan is a reflection of the changing demographics of Eureka. Not so much my influence or Rob’s influence as a financier but that the new residents providing the very growth that has fueled our economy is (bringing) a younger and more progressive electorate not interested in playing ball with the good old boys.”
In relation to the e-mail he received from Arkley, Salzman said, “I feel disappointed. Not so much that Rob, a former ally, no longer likes me, but disappointed that an opportunity to open a dialogue has been trashed and trashed on poor intelligence. I’m frustrated that Rob knows so little that is accurate about me and my work, and my history in California.”
Salzman (salzint.com) represents commercial illustrators who are commissioned by art directors and graphic designers in advertising, publishing and corporate communications.
He moved to the North Coast because he said he loves the weather, the lifestyle and fishing. He relocated here in 2000 after spending the previous 10 years living and working in San Francisco.
He has worked on the local campaigns of Paul Gallegos, to which Arkley gave financial support, Jill Geist and Chris Kerrigan.
11/11/04
Article on private e-mail sparks debate
by Glenn Franco Simmons
The Eureka Reporter
An executive of Rob Arkley’s said he is disappointed in the Times-Standard for publishing a private e-mail that Arkley sent to local political consultant Richard Salzman.
Fred Griffith, senior vice president of acquisitions/development at Security National Properties, spoke to The Eureka Reporter and Times-Standard Tuesday in Eureka because Arkley was out of town on business.
Arkley’s business, Security National, owns The Eureka Reporter.
“(The article) was intended to inflame,” Griffith said. “I think it diminishes the Times-Standard to print that sort of thing.”
He also objected to the large headline the Times-Standard used on the story, which was above the fold in the most-prominent location in the newspaper.
James Tressler, the reporter who wrote the article, said that he was unable to reach Arkley. Griffith responded by saying that Arkley was out of town on business and was unable to return his phone call.
“We are in the business of making money,” Griffith said, in reference to Arkley’s unavailability. “We work very, very hard. We’re very, very busy and these … e-mails and stuff like that have to be prioritized.”
Griffith asked Tressler if it was ethical to print the e-mail.
“I pulled some quotes about ethical journalists and it says a journalist should show compassion for those who may be affected by news coverage,” Griffith said. “… It seems to me that what you’ve done here is you have gotten the Salzman e-mails and you used private information in private communication between two people with differing views and brought it out to sell newspapers. I just feel that is wrong. … If you are a journalist, this is unethical in my view.”
Griffith was referencing the Society of Professional Journalists’ code of ethics (www.spj.org/ethics_code.asp).
Later in the interview, Tressler said, “Well, you guys stick to making money and we’ll stick to putting out the newspapers. I’ve been trained in journalism, have you?”
“I know ethics when I hear ethics,” Griffith said. “If I send you a bunch of e-mails and you and I are having a disagreement, for either one of us to run and take them to the press and having the press print all of those things, that is unethical in my view because you and I have a private disagreement. We agree to disagree.” Griffith said.
He said he would rather see the community focusing on solving problems.
“Let’s make this place a better place,” he said. “Let’s get out of the ‘he said, she said.’ If you start blaming people, there is no end to the blame. All of this good, healthy energy gets wasted. It’s negative energy. It’s bad.
“… The Times-Standard has an opportunity, as does The Eureka Reporter, to take partisan politics and throw it in the garbage, and we all can sit down … and make this the greatest city ever and the greatest county ever.”
When contacted by The Eureka Reporter and asked about the community working together, Salzman said in an e-mailed response, “We have to be able to come together and find common ground. That is the only way we will maintain a healthy community. That is why the tone and threats of Rob Arkley’s e-mails were both alarming and disappointing. Once an election is over, we need to set aside our differences and work for the common good. But we need to start by having an honest conversation. …
“When all is said and done, the 60/40 mandate that was delivered to Chris Kerrigan is a reflection of the changing demographics of Eureka. Not so much my influence or Rob’s influence as a financier but that the new residents providing the very growth that has fueled our economy is (bringing) a younger and more progressive electorate not interested in playing ball with the good old boys.”
In relation to the e-mail he received from Arkley, Salzman said, “I feel disappointed. Not so much that Rob, a former ally, no longer likes me, but disappointed that an opportunity to open a dialogue has been trashed and trashed on poor intelligence. I’m frustrated that Rob knows so little that is accurate about me and my work, and my history in California.”
Salzman (salzint.com) represents commercial illustrators who are commissioned by art directors and graphic designers in advertising, publishing and corporate communications.
He moved to the North Coast because he said he loves the weather, the lifestyle and fishing. He relocated here in 2000 after spending the previous 10 years living and working in San Francisco.
He has worked on the local campaigns of Paul Gallegos, to which Arkley gave financial support, Jill Geist and Chris Kerrigan.
6.17.2010
Corporate 'right to lie'? Ludicrous
◼ link
Corporate 'right to lie'? Ludicrous
David Cobb
Article Launched: 11/25/2006 02:13:35 PM PST
Last week, Humboldt County District Attorney Paul Gallegos filed a brief in a pending fraud lawsuit against Maxxam Corp./Pacific Lumber.
The trial judge dismissed the case last year, asserting in part that Maxxam Corp. is a “person” with a constitutionally protected “right to lie” when petitioning their elected representatives. It's hard to imagine a more ludicrous argument. It would be laughable if the circumstances weren't so damned serious.
At the crux of the fraud lawsuit are allegations that the corporation intentionally submitted fraudulent and deceptive data in order to secure timber plans. At this point we cannot know if these claims are true. And as a result of the outrageous and ridiculous idea that a corporation is a “person” vested with constitutional rights, we may never know the truth.
Let's quickly review what we do know.
We know that after our elected district attorney filed the fraud lawsuit, Maxxam Corp. responded by contributing over $250,000 in an attempt to recall him.
We know that without this obscene amount of money, the effort to collect signatures for the effort would have failed miserably, because recall supporters were unable to collect sufficient numbers of signatures with volunteers.
We know that Maxxam's representatives originally insisted that they were not contributing to the recall -- which we now know was an intentional misrepresentation. We know that the people of Humboldt overwhelming rejected this heavy-handed corporate effort.
We also know that the courts and judges can be wrong.
Courts once held that indigenous people were not legally “persons.” Courts once ruled that slavery was acceptable and that women had “lesser” rights than men. Courts once ruled that trade unions were a criminal conspiracy and that Jim Crow segregation laws did not violate the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment. We know that courts and judges can be utterly and profoundly wrong.
And we know that the doctrine of “Corporate Personhood” is wrong.
To quote from his order, the judge specifically acknowledged that he was basing his dismissal on “a constitutional privilege... of the right of citizens to petition their government.” He also writes that “the concept of representation depends upon the ability of the people to make their wishes known to their representatives.”
Think about that. This judge is equating a corporation filing timber harvest plans with a citizen petitioning elected representatives.
The U.S. Constitution is designed to protect flesh-and-blood people when they are exercising their political and civil rights.
That's good thing, because concentrated power and decision-making authority is a source of potential tyranny.
Of course, a corporation is itself a source of concentrated wealth and power. And corporations are increasingly wielding more decision-making authority over our lives.
And aren't elected officials elected by people to represent people? Or is the judge tacitly admitting that our government is increasingly representing corporations?
To be sure, every employee of a corporation has the right to sign petition recalls and to lobby their government. But they hold these political rights by virtue of their status as human persons in a democracy. No corporation can legitimately claim these political rights.
This unfolding scenario is just another example of the fact that unelected and unaccountable corporate CEOs have hijacked our government. They make public policy, but pretend that their decisions are entirely "private" corporate matters beyond the scope of our authority. And the courts are increasingly conspiring with the corporate elite to legitimize this usurpation.
So I join with others across the county in thanking District Attorney Gallegos for appealing the dismissal of the lawsuit. But in the court of public opinion, Maxxam has already lost.
It's time for “We the People” to assert our fundamental right to self-governance. It's time to abolish the doctrine of “Corporate Personhood.”
David Cobb was the Green Party candidate for president in 2004 and currently works for Democracy Unlimited of Humboldt County. He can be reached at david@duhc.org.
Corporate 'right to lie'? Ludicrous
David Cobb
Article Launched: 11/25/2006 02:13:35 PM PST
Last week, Humboldt County District Attorney Paul Gallegos filed a brief in a pending fraud lawsuit against Maxxam Corp./Pacific Lumber.
The trial judge dismissed the case last year, asserting in part that Maxxam Corp. is a “person” with a constitutionally protected “right to lie” when petitioning their elected representatives. It's hard to imagine a more ludicrous argument. It would be laughable if the circumstances weren't so damned serious.
At the crux of the fraud lawsuit are allegations that the corporation intentionally submitted fraudulent and deceptive data in order to secure timber plans. At this point we cannot know if these claims are true. And as a result of the outrageous and ridiculous idea that a corporation is a “person” vested with constitutional rights, we may never know the truth.
Let's quickly review what we do know.
We know that after our elected district attorney filed the fraud lawsuit, Maxxam Corp. responded by contributing over $250,000 in an attempt to recall him.
We know that without this obscene amount of money, the effort to collect signatures for the effort would have failed miserably, because recall supporters were unable to collect sufficient numbers of signatures with volunteers.
We know that Maxxam's representatives originally insisted that they were not contributing to the recall -- which we now know was an intentional misrepresentation. We know that the people of Humboldt overwhelming rejected this heavy-handed corporate effort.
We also know that the courts and judges can be wrong.
Courts once held that indigenous people were not legally “persons.” Courts once ruled that slavery was acceptable and that women had “lesser” rights than men. Courts once ruled that trade unions were a criminal conspiracy and that Jim Crow segregation laws did not violate the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment. We know that courts and judges can be utterly and profoundly wrong.
And we know that the doctrine of “Corporate Personhood” is wrong.
To quote from his order, the judge specifically acknowledged that he was basing his dismissal on “a constitutional privilege... of the right of citizens to petition their government.” He also writes that “the concept of representation depends upon the ability of the people to make their wishes known to their representatives.”
Think about that. This judge is equating a corporation filing timber harvest plans with a citizen petitioning elected representatives.
The U.S. Constitution is designed to protect flesh-and-blood people when they are exercising their political and civil rights.
That's good thing, because concentrated power and decision-making authority is a source of potential tyranny.
Of course, a corporation is itself a source of concentrated wealth and power. And corporations are increasingly wielding more decision-making authority over our lives.
And aren't elected officials elected by people to represent people? Or is the judge tacitly admitting that our government is increasingly representing corporations?
To be sure, every employee of a corporation has the right to sign petition recalls and to lobby their government. But they hold these political rights by virtue of their status as human persons in a democracy. No corporation can legitimately claim these political rights.
This unfolding scenario is just another example of the fact that unelected and unaccountable corporate CEOs have hijacked our government. They make public policy, but pretend that their decisions are entirely "private" corporate matters beyond the scope of our authority. And the courts are increasingly conspiring with the corporate elite to legitimize this usurpation.
So I join with others across the county in thanking District Attorney Gallegos for appealing the dismissal of the lawsuit. But in the court of public opinion, Maxxam has already lost.
It's time for “We the People” to assert our fundamental right to self-governance. It's time to abolish the doctrine of “Corporate Personhood.”
David Cobb was the Green Party candidate for president in 2004 and currently works for Democracy Unlimited of Humboldt County. He can be reached at david@duhc.org.
Environmental Media Services Also known as a "project" of the Tides Center
◼ link
Environmental Media Services
Also known as a "project" of the Tides Center
1320 18th Street, NW, Suite 500, Washington, DC 20036
Phone 202-463-6670 | Fax 202-463-6671 | Email ems@ems.org
If you’ve ever been advised to steer clear of a food, beverage, or other consumer product based on the claims of a nonprofit organization, you’ve likely been “spun” by Fenton’s multi-million-dollar message machine -- and Environmental Media Services (EMS) has probably been the messenger.
EMS is the communications arm of leftist public relations firm Fenton Communications. Based in Washington, in the same office suite as Fenton, EMS claims to be “providing journalists with the most current information on environmental issues.” A more accurate assessment might be that it spoon-feeds the news media sensationalized stories, based on questionable science, and featuring activist “experts,” all designed to promote and enrich David Fenton’s paying clients, and build credibility for the nonprofit ones. It’s a clever racket, and EMS & Fenton have been running it since 1994.
Tired of being nagged about which fish are politically correct to eat? Fretting about choosing the “right” catch of the day? You just might be under the influence of SeaWeb and the Natural Resources Defense Council (both Fenton clients), and their “Give Swordfish a Break!” campaign, communicated for over two years by the trusty flacks at EMS. Never mind that Rebecca Lent of the National Marine Fisheries Service said that Atlantic swordfish “are not considered endangered.” The point was to make SeaWeb and NRDC more believable and trusted when the next big enviro-agenda came along.
Freaked out about so-called “Frankenfoods”? Worried that biotech corn will make you glow in the dark? You’ve probably been exposed to something harmful, all right -- EMS’s anti-biotech message, approved and bankrolled by the large segment of the “natural” and organic foods industry that relies on Fenton Communications for its publicity. These include Whole Foods Markets, Green Mountain Coffee, Honest Tea, Kashi Cereal, and Rodale Press, a magazine publisher (Organic Style, Organic Gardening, and many more) that makes millions off of the misguided notion that organic foods are safer to eat than their conventional or biotech counterparts. The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s position, by the way, is crystal clear. Former USDA Secretary Dan Glickman has said that “[j]ust because something is labeled as ‘organic’ does not mean it is superior, safer, or more healthy than conventional food.”
Afraid to eat dairy products from cows that have been treated with hormones to produce extra milk? Scared that the hormone, which the FDA calls “entirely safe,” will make its way into your body and cause cancer or other irreparable damage? Beginning with a huge press conference in 1998, EMS pushed that very message relentlessly for over two years. And they did it on behalf of Ben & Jerry’s, a paying Fenton client. Why would Ben & Jerry’s care? Because their ice cream is made with hormone-free milk, and David Fenton calculated that a little health hysteria would drive customers to their “alternative” product quite nicely.
It’s called “black marketing,” and Environmental Media Services has become the principal reason Fenton Communications is so good at it. EMS lends an air of legitimacy to what might otherwise be dismissed (and rightly so) as fear-mongering from the lunatic fringe. In addition to pre-packaged “story ideas” for the mass media, EMS provides commentaries, briefing papers, and even a stable of experts, all carefully calculated to win points for paying clients. These “experts,” though, are also part of the ruse. Over 70% of them earn their paychecks from current or past Fenton clients, all of which have a financial stake in seeing to it that the scare tactics prevail. It’s a clever deception perpetrated on journalists who generally don’t consider do-gooder environmentalists to be capable of such blatant and duplicitous “spin.”
The first rule of this game is that it’s strictly pay-for-play. For a price, you too can promote your product by maligning the competition with junk-science smear tactics. To Fenton Communications, you’ll be a “client”; down the hall at EMS, though, you’ll join the ranks of its “project partners.” And nobody will be the wiser.
Surely by now you know that money makes the world go ‘round, and the globe doesn’t stop spinning for Environmental Media Services just because it calls itself “nonprofit.” EMS exists to make money. It turns a profit for Fenton Communications by improving the bottom lines of a wide variety of Fenton clients. Understanding how the money changes hands, though, requires a shift in focus from Washington to San Francisco, where the Tides Foundation is based.
The Tides Foundation is an unusual philanthropy in many ways, not the least of which is that it gives away other foundations’ money. Corporations, individuals, and other foundations can all use Tides as a pass-through vehicle, “designating” that their cash be funneled to tax-exempt third parties. Tides is also unusual in that it runs its own “incubator” for these nonprofit entities, a subsidiary called the Tides Center that runs the day-to-day operations of new activist groups so they can focus on making life difficult for the rest of us. The end result is a “foundation” that uses its own tax-exemption as a sort of blanket coverage for newly-formed nonprofits (all of them left-of-center), while funding them with money that originates somewhere else.
In this arrangement, startup activist groups don’t have to risk being turned down when they ask the IRS for tax-exempt status: they just ride piggy-back on Tides’s exemption, giving them the same privileges extended to churches and universities without having to satisfy any real requirements. And big-money donors with anti-corporate or anti-consumer leanings can readily fund the lunatic fringe without having to disclose where their money went. They only need mention in their tax returns that a donation was made to the Tides Center, and their legal obligations are fulfilled. One more curious side effect of this deal is that newly-incubated activist groups (what Tides calls “projects”) can appear to have absolutely no expenses of their own for employees, lobbyists, or fundraising contractors, as Tides officially cuts all the checks.
So while Environmental Media Services was started, and is still run, by staffers of Fenton Communications, it was officially instituted as a “project” of the Tides Center in 1994. This gave Fenton some plausible deniability and initially shielded him from the suggestion that EMS was just a shill for his clients. It has also provided a ready-made funding mechanism for foundations, “progressive” companies, and other Fenton clients who don’t want their contributions to EMS noted for the public record [Editor’s note: despite the logistical roadblocks set up by Tides, our research still has been able to reverse-engineer several million dollars in foundation grants to EMS].
Of course, anyone ingenious enough to invent such a scheme is also probably crafty enough to abuse it as well. Consider that the Tides Center paid EMS president Arlie Schardt over $115,000 in 1998. Fair enough, since he was technically a Tides employee, in addition to being the “Senior Counselor” at Fenton Communications and a board member at Friends of the Earth. But that doesn’t explain the $583,727 that Tides paid to Fenton that same year, which was designated as “public relations” expenses in Tides’s tax return. You see, Tides has never “officially” been a Fenton client, as that would appear to be a huge conflict. The Fenton Communications web site doesn’t list Tides as a current or former client either. So what was the half-million-dollar payout for?
We may never find out. But we do know that in the past three tax years (1998-2000), the for-profit companies “eGrants,” Seventh Generation, and Working Assets (which sells long-distance phone service and brokers credit cards), have each put over $1 million into Tides. They are all, by the way, clients of Fenton Communications. So are big-money foundations like the Pew Charitable Trusts, the David & Lucille Packard Foundation, and the John Merck Fund. Together, they have contributed another $1.6 million (that we know of) to EMS, using Tides as a money-funnel.
The big picture, then, is a quasi-money-laundering scheme worthy of a name like “Tides” (apologies to Procter & Gamble). Fenton Communications’ for-profit and foundation clients put massive amounts of cash into Tides, and enjoy a healthy tax write-off for their trouble. Tides turns around and makes huge “grants” to Fenton’s nonprofit clients, including the Environmental Working Group, Natural Resources Defense Council, and SeaWeb (just to name a few). Tides also funds EMS, which David Fenton uses as a mouthpiece in order to promote fear campaigns which benefit his other for-profit clients. EMS makes good use of the “experts” who haunt the halls of Fenton’s nonprofit clients. Tides pays everyone’s salary, and even sends the odd half million dollars to Fenton Communication for its trouble.
The remarkable thing here is that this is all legal, and that it takes this much concentrated duplicity to produce an effective food scare.
In December of 1998, Environmental Media Services (with several Fenton Communications staffers in tow) held a press conference with guests including activist representatives from the Center for Food Safety and the Consumers Union. Before news cameras and dozens of reporters, this panel of “experts” warned that “recombinant” Bovine Growth Hormone (rBGH) given to cows would render milk harmful to humans, and even cancerous. The Boston Globe, the New York Times, and ABC News (among others) all ran stories based on this “breaking news” event suggesting that American consumers should be suspicious of any dairy products associated with rBGH.
Not surprisingly, the press event produced by EMS made no mention of the fact that Ben & Jerry’s was both a Fenton client and a major stakeholder in the debate. Just one year earlier, Ben & Jerry’s had made headlines (again, with a wind-assist from EMS) with a legal settlement in which it would be permitted to use product labels touting its products’ lack of rBGH as an advantage for consumers. Back then, EMS was very open about its relationship with Ben & Jerry’s, sending out press releases touting the ice cream maker’s “legal victory.” Fenton Communications knew full well that its client was interested in painting rBGH-wielding competitors as cancer conduits, and EMS was happy to oblige.
What they never told you was that Ben & Jerry’s also had to agree to a disclaimer, which still appears on some ice cream cartons today: “The FDA has said no significant difference has been shown and no test can now distinguish between milk from rBGH treated and untreated cows.”
Copyright © 2007 Center for Consumer Freedom. All rights reserved.
Environmental Media Services
Also known as a "project" of the Tides Center
1320 18th Street, NW, Suite 500, Washington, DC 20036
Phone 202-463-6670 | Fax 202-463-6671 | Email ems@ems.org
If you’ve ever been advised to steer clear of a food, beverage, or other consumer product based on the claims of a nonprofit organization, you’ve likely been “spun” by Fenton’s multi-million-dollar message machine -- and Environmental Media Services (EMS) has probably been the messenger.
EMS is the communications arm of leftist public relations firm Fenton Communications. Based in Washington, in the same office suite as Fenton, EMS claims to be “providing journalists with the most current information on environmental issues.” A more accurate assessment might be that it spoon-feeds the news media sensationalized stories, based on questionable science, and featuring activist “experts,” all designed to promote and enrich David Fenton’s paying clients, and build credibility for the nonprofit ones. It’s a clever racket, and EMS & Fenton have been running it since 1994.
Tired of being nagged about which fish are politically correct to eat? Fretting about choosing the “right” catch of the day? You just might be under the influence of SeaWeb and the Natural Resources Defense Council (both Fenton clients), and their “Give Swordfish a Break!” campaign, communicated for over two years by the trusty flacks at EMS. Never mind that Rebecca Lent of the National Marine Fisheries Service said that Atlantic swordfish “are not considered endangered.” The point was to make SeaWeb and NRDC more believable and trusted when the next big enviro-agenda came along.
Freaked out about so-called “Frankenfoods”? Worried that biotech corn will make you glow in the dark? You’ve probably been exposed to something harmful, all right -- EMS’s anti-biotech message, approved and bankrolled by the large segment of the “natural” and organic foods industry that relies on Fenton Communications for its publicity. These include Whole Foods Markets, Green Mountain Coffee, Honest Tea, Kashi Cereal, and Rodale Press, a magazine publisher (Organic Style, Organic Gardening, and many more) that makes millions off of the misguided notion that organic foods are safer to eat than their conventional or biotech counterparts. The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s position, by the way, is crystal clear. Former USDA Secretary Dan Glickman has said that “[j]ust because something is labeled as ‘organic’ does not mean it is superior, safer, or more healthy than conventional food.”
Afraid to eat dairy products from cows that have been treated with hormones to produce extra milk? Scared that the hormone, which the FDA calls “entirely safe,” will make its way into your body and cause cancer or other irreparable damage? Beginning with a huge press conference in 1998, EMS pushed that very message relentlessly for over two years. And they did it on behalf of Ben & Jerry’s, a paying Fenton client. Why would Ben & Jerry’s care? Because their ice cream is made with hormone-free milk, and David Fenton calculated that a little health hysteria would drive customers to their “alternative” product quite nicely.
It’s called “black marketing,” and Environmental Media Services has become the principal reason Fenton Communications is so good at it. EMS lends an air of legitimacy to what might otherwise be dismissed (and rightly so) as fear-mongering from the lunatic fringe. In addition to pre-packaged “story ideas” for the mass media, EMS provides commentaries, briefing papers, and even a stable of experts, all carefully calculated to win points for paying clients. These “experts,” though, are also part of the ruse. Over 70% of them earn their paychecks from current or past Fenton clients, all of which have a financial stake in seeing to it that the scare tactics prevail. It’s a clever deception perpetrated on journalists who generally don’t consider do-gooder environmentalists to be capable of such blatant and duplicitous “spin.”
The first rule of this game is that it’s strictly pay-for-play. For a price, you too can promote your product by maligning the competition with junk-science smear tactics. To Fenton Communications, you’ll be a “client”; down the hall at EMS, though, you’ll join the ranks of its “project partners.” And nobody will be the wiser.
Surely by now you know that money makes the world go ‘round, and the globe doesn’t stop spinning for Environmental Media Services just because it calls itself “nonprofit.” EMS exists to make money. It turns a profit for Fenton Communications by improving the bottom lines of a wide variety of Fenton clients. Understanding how the money changes hands, though, requires a shift in focus from Washington to San Francisco, where the Tides Foundation is based.
The Tides Foundation is an unusual philanthropy in many ways, not the least of which is that it gives away other foundations’ money. Corporations, individuals, and other foundations can all use Tides as a pass-through vehicle, “designating” that their cash be funneled to tax-exempt third parties. Tides is also unusual in that it runs its own “incubator” for these nonprofit entities, a subsidiary called the Tides Center that runs the day-to-day operations of new activist groups so they can focus on making life difficult for the rest of us. The end result is a “foundation” that uses its own tax-exemption as a sort of blanket coverage for newly-formed nonprofits (all of them left-of-center), while funding them with money that originates somewhere else.
In this arrangement, startup activist groups don’t have to risk being turned down when they ask the IRS for tax-exempt status: they just ride piggy-back on Tides’s exemption, giving them the same privileges extended to churches and universities without having to satisfy any real requirements. And big-money donors with anti-corporate or anti-consumer leanings can readily fund the lunatic fringe without having to disclose where their money went. They only need mention in their tax returns that a donation was made to the Tides Center, and their legal obligations are fulfilled. One more curious side effect of this deal is that newly-incubated activist groups (what Tides calls “projects”) can appear to have absolutely no expenses of their own for employees, lobbyists, or fundraising contractors, as Tides officially cuts all the checks.
So while Environmental Media Services was started, and is still run, by staffers of Fenton Communications, it was officially instituted as a “project” of the Tides Center in 1994. This gave Fenton some plausible deniability and initially shielded him from the suggestion that EMS was just a shill for his clients. It has also provided a ready-made funding mechanism for foundations, “progressive” companies, and other Fenton clients who don’t want their contributions to EMS noted for the public record [Editor’s note: despite the logistical roadblocks set up by Tides, our research still has been able to reverse-engineer several million dollars in foundation grants to EMS].
Of course, anyone ingenious enough to invent such a scheme is also probably crafty enough to abuse it as well. Consider that the Tides Center paid EMS president Arlie Schardt over $115,000 in 1998. Fair enough, since he was technically a Tides employee, in addition to being the “Senior Counselor” at Fenton Communications and a board member at Friends of the Earth. But that doesn’t explain the $583,727 that Tides paid to Fenton that same year, which was designated as “public relations” expenses in Tides’s tax return. You see, Tides has never “officially” been a Fenton client, as that would appear to be a huge conflict. The Fenton Communications web site doesn’t list Tides as a current or former client either. So what was the half-million-dollar payout for?
We may never find out. But we do know that in the past three tax years (1998-2000), the for-profit companies “eGrants,” Seventh Generation, and Working Assets (which sells long-distance phone service and brokers credit cards), have each put over $1 million into Tides. They are all, by the way, clients of Fenton Communications. So are big-money foundations like the Pew Charitable Trusts, the David & Lucille Packard Foundation, and the John Merck Fund. Together, they have contributed another $1.6 million (that we know of) to EMS, using Tides as a money-funnel.
The big picture, then, is a quasi-money-laundering scheme worthy of a name like “Tides” (apologies to Procter & Gamble). Fenton Communications’ for-profit and foundation clients put massive amounts of cash into Tides, and enjoy a healthy tax write-off for their trouble. Tides turns around and makes huge “grants” to Fenton’s nonprofit clients, including the Environmental Working Group, Natural Resources Defense Council, and SeaWeb (just to name a few). Tides also funds EMS, which David Fenton uses as a mouthpiece in order to promote fear campaigns which benefit his other for-profit clients. EMS makes good use of the “experts” who haunt the halls of Fenton’s nonprofit clients. Tides pays everyone’s salary, and even sends the odd half million dollars to Fenton Communication for its trouble.
The remarkable thing here is that this is all legal, and that it takes this much concentrated duplicity to produce an effective food scare.
In December of 1998, Environmental Media Services (with several Fenton Communications staffers in tow) held a press conference with guests including activist representatives from the Center for Food Safety and the Consumers Union. Before news cameras and dozens of reporters, this panel of “experts” warned that “recombinant” Bovine Growth Hormone (rBGH) given to cows would render milk harmful to humans, and even cancerous. The Boston Globe, the New York Times, and ABC News (among others) all ran stories based on this “breaking news” event suggesting that American consumers should be suspicious of any dairy products associated with rBGH.
Not surprisingly, the press event produced by EMS made no mention of the fact that Ben & Jerry’s was both a Fenton client and a major stakeholder in the debate. Just one year earlier, Ben & Jerry’s had made headlines (again, with a wind-assist from EMS) with a legal settlement in which it would be permitted to use product labels touting its products’ lack of rBGH as an advantage for consumers. Back then, EMS was very open about its relationship with Ben & Jerry’s, sending out press releases touting the ice cream maker’s “legal victory.” Fenton Communications knew full well that its client was interested in painting rBGH-wielding competitors as cancer conduits, and EMS was happy to oblige.
What they never told you was that Ben & Jerry’s also had to agree to a disclaimer, which still appears on some ice cream cartons today: “The FDA has said no significant difference has been shown and no test can now distinguish between milk from rBGH treated and untreated cows.”
Copyright © 2007 Center for Consumer Freedom. All rights reserved.
VIO does not work alone
http://www.eluniversal.com/2005/03/26/en_pol_art_26A545233.shtml
VIO does not work alone
There is another lobbyist in the payroll of the Venezuelan government. In May 2004, VIO granted to Lumina Strategies, represented by Michael Shellenberger, a six-month contract amounting to USD 60,000, not including out of pocket expenses.
Lumina Strategies "is a consulting and communication firm working in the public interest." Its mission is cited "to help foundations, NGOs and corporations save the environment, grow the economy, and improve the quality of life for people worldwide through campaigns that change policies, transform attitudes, and shift markets." The work of Lumina Strategies has been related to the task of Global Exchange -a former client of the company. Based on a proposal reportedly authored by Shellenberger, his work for VIO covers strategic and communication advice. His duties and responsibilities include visiting Venezuela at least once in a month, writing op-eds, launching political campaigns in the Internet and coordinating events promotion with VIO and the Venezuelan embassy.
The revolution hires opinion makers to clear its image
FEES ARE IN US DOLLARS
The records submitted to the US Department of Justice detail VIO activities
The government funded Venezuelan Information Office, VIO, is a "private" initiative that gathers alleged journalists and political analysts to disseminate positive information on the revolution in the US media and among politicians
ISABEL GARCIA NEVETT
EL UNIVERSAL
The Bolivarian government has been too busy with a campaign to spoil media negative coverage abroad, hence a company was organized for such purpose. The Venezuelan Information Office, property of VIO Investment Corp, a company incorporated in the State of Florida, has operated in Washington DC for over three years.
Based on the records submitted by its members to the US Department of Justice: "With the use of media tools, grassroots action and education and Congress speakers, VIO seeks to show the US audience a vision in line with the true current process in Venezuela, enter into strategic partnerships for the Venezuelan people, and prevent the US government from interfering in the Venezuelan democratic process."
VIO introduces itself as a source of true and educational information on the "social investment" of the Bolivarian government and ongoing political changes. It is defined as a group of US citizens willing to foster knowledge of Chávez' homeland. The VIO website states: "as US citizens, we ought to secure our government respect for the sovereignty of foreign democracies."
To ensure success of the campaign, VIO contacted in September 2003 Global Exchange -a US organization with a significant network of political activists in the United States. The agency has planned some of the world major protests, including the demonstrations against the forum of the World Trade Organization, held in Seattle in 1999. Short time ago, Deborah James, former directing manager of Global Exchange, was the VIO CEO.
Bolivarian green
Funding of the Office comes from the Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in Washington. In 2003-2004, it was allotted over USD 400,000. As reported by Kevin Borgadus in an article of September 22nd, 2004 for the US Center for Public Integrity, VIO closed suddenly in late February 2004 and opened again some months later with a new budget of USD 660,000. In that article, Borgadus also mentioned an agreement entered into by the Bolivarian government and the lobby firm Patton Boggs for more than USD 650,000 in 2004. Borgadus is a researcher for the Center for Public Integrity and has worked with CBS Radio and CNN.
The VIO staff is composed of six US and Venezuelan professionals who earned USD 3,000-5,300 monthly in 2003-2004.
VIO is included in the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). All foreign companies who act on behalf of and are paid by a foreign government should register there. The record also states that VIO activities are "political in nature." The Act was drafted by the US Congress in reply to political advertising by German-origin agents who operated in the United States before the Second World War.
Defense mission
VIO activities include denial of the alleged lies published abroad by foreign and Venezuelan media. This is done through e-mails, letters to the editor, articles, and supply of audiovisual documents, among others. Most of the time, they claim to write on their own and fail to clarify that they work for a company funded by the Bolivarian government.
One of the individuals responsible for this task is Nathan Converse, a "media analyst" at VIO. Converse has written a number of articles advocating for the government before the US audience, denouncing negative coverage and blaming US media for falsifying facts and subjective reporting.
Part of the VIO audiovisual campaign includes promotion of the documentary film "The Revolution will not be televised," a peculiar vision of the events of April 11, 2002.
VIO is also responsible for advocating the Bolivarian cause at the US Congress. One employee acts as the liaison officer with the US Congress in order to "educate" congresspersons and influence any decision on Venezuela. The VIO website also provides advice to those interested in sending letters or e-mails to the Congress and organization of face-to-face meetings with Congresspersons to discuss Venezuela related issues.
Organization and funding of "delegations of observers" that visit Venezuela to get familiar with the domestic situation is another salient activity in the office. This is why US Justin Delacour purported to visit Venezuela during the recall referendum. Delacour is named as a "political analyst" in the dossier submitted by the Ministry of Communication and Information, where the US media are charged with subjectivity and negligence. Delacour calls himself a militant and follower of Hugo Chávez. He has even declared: "I will remain with Chávez for better or worse, and I think that any progressive thinker would do the same if he knew what is at stake." VIO uses as an example for its readers a letter to the editor published in The Washington Post in October 27, 2004, and initialed by Justin Delacour, in reply to a reportedly negative editorial about Venezuela. The letter shows how to write pro-Chávez replies and, thus, influence media coverage of the Bolivarian rule.
The Eva Code
According to journalist Elizabeth Araujo, of TalCual daily, VIO has also been related to renowned US-Venezuelan attorney Eva Golinger -a New York resident and co-author, along with US journalist Jeremy Bigwood, of "The Chávez Code -Construing US interference in Venezuelan Affairs"
The Chávez Code includes papers of the US Department of State and Department of Defense, among others, whereby the CIA and the US government are presumably linked with the events in Venezuela in April 11, 2002. The papers were available thanks to the Freedom of Information Act. The book was launched in Cuba by editorial Ciencias Sociales and is expected soon in Venezuela. President Chávez himself recommended the book during his Sunday speech of March 13. Golinger and Bigwood are the "discoverers" of the financial contribution made by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED to Non-Governmental Organization Súmate. Then, they added glamour to the claims by noting that they were "declassified" papers. This turned to be untrue. Additionally, on several occasions, VIO has asked Golinger to write letters to the editors of some publications to belie the contents of articles and editorials contrary to Chávez.
VIO does not work alone
There is another lobbyist in the payroll of the Venezuelan government. In May 2004, VIO granted to Lumina Strategies, represented by Michael Shellenberger, a six-month contract amounting to USD 60,000, not including out of pocket expenses.
Lumina Strategies "is a consulting and communication firm working in the public interest." Its mission is cited "to help foundations, NGOs and corporations save the environment, grow the economy, and improve the quality of life for people worldwide through campaigns that change policies, transform attitudes, and shift markets." The work of Lumina Strategies has been related to the task of Global Exchange -a former client of the company. Based on a proposal reportedly authored by Shellenberger, his work for VIO covers strategic and communication advice. His duties and responsibilities include visiting Venezuela at least once in a month, writing op-eds, launching political campaigns in the Internet and coordinating events promotion with VIO and the Venezuelan embassy.
Translated by Conchita Delgado
VIO does not work alone
There is another lobbyist in the payroll of the Venezuelan government. In May 2004, VIO granted to Lumina Strategies, represented by Michael Shellenberger, a six-month contract amounting to USD 60,000, not including out of pocket expenses.
Lumina Strategies "is a consulting and communication firm working in the public interest." Its mission is cited "to help foundations, NGOs and corporations save the environment, grow the economy, and improve the quality of life for people worldwide through campaigns that change policies, transform attitudes, and shift markets." The work of Lumina Strategies has been related to the task of Global Exchange -a former client of the company. Based on a proposal reportedly authored by Shellenberger, his work for VIO covers strategic and communication advice. His duties and responsibilities include visiting Venezuela at least once in a month, writing op-eds, launching political campaigns in the Internet and coordinating events promotion with VIO and the Venezuelan embassy.
The revolution hires opinion makers to clear its image
FEES ARE IN US DOLLARS
The records submitted to the US Department of Justice detail VIO activities
The government funded Venezuelan Information Office, VIO, is a "private" initiative that gathers alleged journalists and political analysts to disseminate positive information on the revolution in the US media and among politicians
ISABEL GARCIA NEVETT
EL UNIVERSAL
The Bolivarian government has been too busy with a campaign to spoil media negative coverage abroad, hence a company was organized for such purpose. The Venezuelan Information Office, property of VIO Investment Corp, a company incorporated in the State of Florida, has operated in Washington DC for over three years.
Based on the records submitted by its members to the US Department of Justice: "With the use of media tools, grassroots action and education and Congress speakers, VIO seeks to show the US audience a vision in line with the true current process in Venezuela, enter into strategic partnerships for the Venezuelan people, and prevent the US government from interfering in the Venezuelan democratic process."
VIO introduces itself as a source of true and educational information on the "social investment" of the Bolivarian government and ongoing political changes. It is defined as a group of US citizens willing to foster knowledge of Chávez' homeland. The VIO website states: "as US citizens, we ought to secure our government respect for the sovereignty of foreign democracies."
To ensure success of the campaign, VIO contacted in September 2003 Global Exchange -a US organization with a significant network of political activists in the United States. The agency has planned some of the world major protests, including the demonstrations against the forum of the World Trade Organization, held in Seattle in 1999. Short time ago, Deborah James, former directing manager of Global Exchange, was the VIO CEO.
Bolivarian green
Funding of the Office comes from the Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in Washington. In 2003-2004, it was allotted over USD 400,000. As reported by Kevin Borgadus in an article of September 22nd, 2004 for the US Center for Public Integrity, VIO closed suddenly in late February 2004 and opened again some months later with a new budget of USD 660,000. In that article, Borgadus also mentioned an agreement entered into by the Bolivarian government and the lobby firm Patton Boggs for more than USD 650,000 in 2004. Borgadus is a researcher for the Center for Public Integrity and has worked with CBS Radio and CNN.
The VIO staff is composed of six US and Venezuelan professionals who earned USD 3,000-5,300 monthly in 2003-2004.
VIO is included in the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA). All foreign companies who act on behalf of and are paid by a foreign government should register there. The record also states that VIO activities are "political in nature." The Act was drafted by the US Congress in reply to political advertising by German-origin agents who operated in the United States before the Second World War.
Defense mission
VIO activities include denial of the alleged lies published abroad by foreign and Venezuelan media. This is done through e-mails, letters to the editor, articles, and supply of audiovisual documents, among others. Most of the time, they claim to write on their own and fail to clarify that they work for a company funded by the Bolivarian government.
One of the individuals responsible for this task is Nathan Converse, a "media analyst" at VIO. Converse has written a number of articles advocating for the government before the US audience, denouncing negative coverage and blaming US media for falsifying facts and subjective reporting.
Part of the VIO audiovisual campaign includes promotion of the documentary film "The Revolution will not be televised," a peculiar vision of the events of April 11, 2002.
VIO is also responsible for advocating the Bolivarian cause at the US Congress. One employee acts as the liaison officer with the US Congress in order to "educate" congresspersons and influence any decision on Venezuela. The VIO website also provides advice to those interested in sending letters or e-mails to the Congress and organization of face-to-face meetings with Congresspersons to discuss Venezuela related issues.
Organization and funding of "delegations of observers" that visit Venezuela to get familiar with the domestic situation is another salient activity in the office. This is why US Justin Delacour purported to visit Venezuela during the recall referendum. Delacour is named as a "political analyst" in the dossier submitted by the Ministry of Communication and Information, where the US media are charged with subjectivity and negligence. Delacour calls himself a militant and follower of Hugo Chávez. He has even declared: "I will remain with Chávez for better or worse, and I think that any progressive thinker would do the same if he knew what is at stake." VIO uses as an example for its readers a letter to the editor published in The Washington Post in October 27, 2004, and initialed by Justin Delacour, in reply to a reportedly negative editorial about Venezuela. The letter shows how to write pro-Chávez replies and, thus, influence media coverage of the Bolivarian rule.
The Eva Code
According to journalist Elizabeth Araujo, of TalCual daily, VIO has also been related to renowned US-Venezuelan attorney Eva Golinger -a New York resident and co-author, along with US journalist Jeremy Bigwood, of "The Chávez Code -Construing US interference in Venezuelan Affairs"
The Chávez Code includes papers of the US Department of State and Department of Defense, among others, whereby the CIA and the US government are presumably linked with the events in Venezuela in April 11, 2002. The papers were available thanks to the Freedom of Information Act. The book was launched in Cuba by editorial Ciencias Sociales and is expected soon in Venezuela. President Chávez himself recommended the book during his Sunday speech of March 13. Golinger and Bigwood are the "discoverers" of the financial contribution made by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED to Non-Governmental Organization Súmate. Then, they added glamour to the claims by noting that they were "declassified" papers. This turned to be untrue. Additionally, on several occasions, VIO has asked Golinger to write letters to the editors of some publications to belie the contents of articles and editorials contrary to Chávez.
VIO does not work alone
There is another lobbyist in the payroll of the Venezuelan government. In May 2004, VIO granted to Lumina Strategies, represented by Michael Shellenberger, a six-month contract amounting to USD 60,000, not including out of pocket expenses.
Lumina Strategies "is a consulting and communication firm working in the public interest." Its mission is cited "to help foundations, NGOs and corporations save the environment, grow the economy, and improve the quality of life for people worldwide through campaigns that change policies, transform attitudes, and shift markets." The work of Lumina Strategies has been related to the task of Global Exchange -a former client of the company. Based on a proposal reportedly authored by Shellenberger, his work for VIO covers strategic and communication advice. His duties and responsibilities include visiting Venezuela at least once in a month, writing op-eds, launching political campaigns in the Internet and coordinating events promotion with VIO and the Venezuelan embassy.
Translated by Conchita Delgado